Reaction to Hobbes (Week 1, Module 1) Austin Peterson
Thomas Hobbes’s thoughts detailed
in Leviathan have been labelled realist and pessimist regarding the primal
nature of man. His fervent belief in a hostile and violent world shaped his
ideas of what should be done to survive and mitigate these realities. Leviathan
is an ode to staunch realists in its core argument about the selfish and
abusive nature of mankind, but his remedy to the solution is overly optimistic
about a sovereign power’s ability to withstand corruption and underestimates
the masses’ patience for subjugation.
Hobbes makes the interesting point
that matter does not act for itself “unlesse somewhat els stirre it, it will
lye still for ever” but once in motion remains so until hindered (Leviathan pg
12). This idea, when carried throughout the course of the book illustrates the
point that the physical world is made up of collisions which constitute our
natural senses, thought process, and ultimately our relations with others. According to Hobbes the “natural passions,
that carry us to partiality, pride, revenge and the like” are contrary to the
“laws of nature” such as “justice, equity, modesty, mercy …” and cannot be
controlled except by a “common power to keep them in awe” (pg 136). Hence, men
enter into a social contract with a sovereign out of fear of war and atrocities.
Leviathan is a euphonic argument
for a centralized power that has no checks or balances except at the whim of
the sovereign. This seems to follow the logic that checks and balances would
only create more opportunity for conflict and the competing powers would not
effectively cooperate. Hobbes does state that the sovereign should surround
himself with good counselors, but emphatically denounces popular politicians as
contrary to the aims of peace as they control the masses for selfish ends.
The rise of modern democracies might
have left Leviathan’s arguments discounted as failed political philosophy, but
the apparent shortcomings of democratic governments to create stability within
their own spheres of influence perpetuates the questions of whether an
undeniably strong central power is necessary. Government systems found in
Russia, China, Turkey, and Romania are drifting toward absolute rule by one
authority who slowly breaks down checks and balances. While some of these
regimes are marked by economic stagnation such as Zimbabwe and North Korea,
others seem to have the capability to speed economic progression such as Russia
and China by easily manipulating markets due to a lack of internal regulation.
No doubt, all of these are poor examples of human rights, but Hobbes is not concerned
with this since the social contract extrapolates such conditions in return for
peace and security. These regimes can pool resources together and create
political stability by the complete eradication of all dissenting opinions such
as in North Korea and Russia particularly. They also can react quickly to the ever-dynamic
international world, a common weakness of democracies who must wade through
bureaucratic and systemic norms.
The greatest weakness in Leviathan
is Hobbes’s failure to fully anticipate the citizens’ patience for an increasingly
amoral sovereign. The social contract sets up no stipulations for the
sovereign. This was a central point of Hobbes’s argument. The sovereign must be
able to act unilaterally without the approval of the people they rule. History
since that time suggests that absolute power corrupts to a degree that makes
the regime inefficient at providing peace and security. As Erik Khzmalyan questions, what
assurance is there that the sovereign will not simply seek to enrich himself at
the expense of the citizens making life for them more miserable than the
terrible state of anarchy that Hobbes fears. Khzmalyan also suggests that perhaps the citizenry would prefer
anarchy to such a regime (Hobbes’s Leviathan: A Critique of the Omnipotent
Sovereign). Leviathan offers a radical solution to a realist view of human
nature but contradicts itself by believing that a sovereign would not act in
accordance with this human nature when not constrained by a mutual social
contract.
Works
Cited
Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan. Edited by Flathman, Richard,
Johnston, David. 1997.
Khzmalyan, Erik. Hobbes’s Leviathan: A Critique of the Omnipotent Sovereign. https://www.erainstitute.org/hobbess-leviathan-a-critique-of-the-omnipotent-sovereign/.
Your point that Hobbes disregards the potential for civil unrest should the common person not fall neatly in line with a corrupt sovereign's rule led me to wonder if Hobbes, so literal when enumerating the details of human characteristics, veered toward idealism when writing about absolute sovereignity.
ReplyDeleteInteresting that you should mention Hobbes's potential idealism and what side of the political spectrum he might actually fall on. I wrote this article before listening to the podcast on our week 1 module 1 from the synchronous professor (I think the person who designed the course). He made me question whether Hobbes really falls into the coercion side of the spectrum when these basic human instincts he depicts are actually based upon natural human reasoning. As the professor states, Hobbes elaborates that a citizen is reasonably released from the social contract when they are captured or imprisoned by a foreign power because it stands to reason that they should begin to serve that person. Interesting thoughts!
DeleteHobbes spends the better part of the first section of Leviathan describing human nature so it does seem odd that this same care isn't extended to his sovereign. He fails to see the nature of sovereignty as a matter of complex judgment. To think that one person should hold the power to judge moral and political matters and enforce those judgments, that what's right and wrong is a question only for our political leaders is seriously contested by the crimes of past dictatorships.
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